The Philippines is a maritime country. In addition, an island state with a coastline of 18,000 km, it is a country where 60% of the total population of the coastal population whose livelihoods and food security depend on conservation of marine systems and protection from climate change – induced extreme weather. Patterns
Understanding our maritime and archipelago identity as a nation is more important than ever. It is tied to our foreign / security priorities as a small state in terms of the hegemonic rivalry, the recovery of their sphere of influence of the growing powers, and the changing classification of obvious security concerns during the epidemic. Acknowledging our role in the impact of our position in Southeast Asia on the greater Indo-PacificStayC region will form how the next administration will advance the foreign policy and diplomatic interests of the Philippines.
Elements of the National Security Policy (NSP) 2017-2022 reflect the construction of our islands and maritime identities where the threat of piracy in perforated southern maritime borders, maritime domain awareness priorities, claims in the South China Sea, interest benham rise, and maritime demarcation . The Duterte administration emphasizes in its 12-point national security agenda “protection of trade and maritime resources against piracy, smuggling, illegal entry, terrorism, and human trafficking at sea.” However, in reality they are divided by a classification of security concerns that prioritize internal / land-based security over external / maritime security. These facilities have deprived integrated coastal development, maritime law enforcement, maritime transport, shipbuilding and port services.
Furthermore, a protection structure based on the 50-year-old communist threat and the predominance of illicit drugs as the country’s main internal security challenge drastically undermines a national security policy that focuses on the emerging obsolete and existing security challenges of climate change. , Undisclosed, and Uncontrolled (IUU) StayHorn and marine erosion. Climate change, as part of the “Other Strategic Concerns” in the NSP, affects the livelihoods of coastal livelihoods and marine systems. P24 billion to P37.8 billion in losses due to illegal causes StayHorn, it is a threat to the human security of the nation.
The construction of our identity as a maritime / archeological nation must be sealed by our “position” as a small state in international relations. Smaller states, as distinct from larger and larger powers, have been thrown into the spotlight by Russia’s aggression in Ukraine and China’s claim to power against the coastal states of Southeast Asia. Smaller states are not necessarily small powers, and given the balance between the resources and influence they hold, small states can assert themselves through the mediation of middle power.
The moderate powers are challenged to influence their material power and resources by capitalizing on international governance, alliance formation, ideological expansion, and niche diplomacy. In the context of a fluid and unpredictable security infrastructure, the Philippines, along with other ASEAN medium powers, may choose to pursue middle power diplomacy in the South China Sea and the greater Indo-Pacific region based on strategic autonomy of great power and great power competition. . As a lower middle power (Loi Institute 2021), it needs to harness the power elements of “other states, to guide or influence the behavior of non-state actors and the course of international events”. Diplomatic influence based on its defense networks, and ASEAN’s dialogue partnership in ARF, EAS, and APEC and multilateralism is what the Philippines can capitalize on when it simultaneously builds credible military resistance. Internally, it should focus on the gap between the resilience of our climate change, which becomes clearer during epidemics, through the implementation of a uniformity between health, food, and environmental security and foreign policies. Strengthening a credible image as an ideological middle power in the ASEAN region needs to address key gaps in strengthening domestic institutions, especially in multilateral leadership (such as women, peace and security) where the Philippines has a strong track record. Record to speak.
Indeed, the ideal spread is a strategy that has the credibility to follow a Leni Robredo-led executive. However, considering the middle power strategies based on distance and hedging against regional superpowers will be the responsibility of the administration that Duterte has established.
Emphasis should be placed on the promotion of non-sovereignty in the maritime domain, the South China Sea Code of Conduct, practical cooperation involving the United States and China, and the middle power quad (South Korea, Australia, Japan and India) in the maritime domain. Awareness, maritime security, and maritime security, and upholding the UN Arbitration Rule (2016). A middle power position needs to revive the role of the military as it prioritizes humanitarian assistance and disaster response (HADR) and military diplomacy based on internal security.
These are just some of the goal setting shareware that you can use.
Alma Maria and. Salvador is an associate professor of political science at the University of Atenio de Manila in the Philippines.